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The protest against the WTO took power back from multi-national rulers and
put it in the hands of the people. Tens of thousands of protesters
had a variety of different plans for how to get and how to use that
power. The common thread, though, between picketing, blockades,
dancing , lock downs and window smashing is that all of those tactics
derailed the "business-as-usual" focus of the week and empowered
the people to determine the nature of the event. Obviously, that
is not justification enough for the use of any of those tactics;
but it's important to recognize what they all achieved together
and what the dominant statement of the protest was. Had that statement
been managed perfectly by bureaucratic leaders of big labor and
environmental organizations, it would have been nothing more than
a plea to yet another managerial class to make this sick world sustain
itself. Since other groups contributed energy to the event, its
statement could not be molded by a few organizations.
Justification of trashing thus becomes a discussion of where power lies within
the movement. For Albert, this power lies with the majority. He
argues the Seattle trashing did not meet with widespread approval,
and was therefore ineffective and unjustified. He goes on to accuse
the trashers of "undemocratically violat[ing] the agenda of [the]
massive demonstrations." In his posted responses to email on the
subject, he portrays the trashing as 100 militants hijacking a demonstration
of 70,000.
Medea Benjamin of Global Exchange, one of the organizations that formed the
Direct Action Network, finally clarifies her position (along with
a welcome apology for statements she made regarding calling the
police on black bloc activists), and Oakland anarchist, Scott Fleming,
responds, quite coherently and righteously. Only he is not really
addressing the fundamental issue.
WHEN THE SUN WENT down Dec. 4, after a week of conflict in the streets of Seattle,
a candlelight vigil was held in downtown Eugene. About 40 people
introduced themselves and shared their thoughts on one of the most
powerful political demonstrations in American history. Although
nearly everyone at the vigil was a self-proclaimed nonviolent activist,
only one person expressed dissatisfaction with economic sabotage
against corporate property or with radical anarchists. One by one,
all the others voiced their desire for solidarity with everyone
who was in Seattle, many thanking the anarchists for their contributions
and dedication.
It is nice that Mr. Albert took the time to offer his own detailed
critical analysis on the controversial topic of the more militant
forms of direct action that took place in Seattle. It is also nice
to see him refrain from much of the sensationalist arguements that
many others have resorted to when they have dealt with this subjct.
Overall, I agree with the purpose of this essay (namely, that we
should always be able to step back and be critical of our actions),
however, I have a few disagreements of not only the conclusions
that he comes up with in this essay, but the entire context in which
he places his arguement within.
The day had started early - 5:30am - my affinity group joined hundreds of people
at the park to begin actions that truly felt historic. We were part
of the Cowborg cluster - clusters of affinity groups had been formed
to take specific actions to use non-violent direct action to shut
down the WTO. The city had been divided up into 13 wedges - pieces
of pie A-M and ours was Key lime. The Cowborg cluster was one of
several clusters in our wedge alone. There were hundreds of affinity
groups and dozens of clusters, organizing on such a scale that I
had never before participated in, the excitment was intoxicating.
Unfortunately, the presence and persistence of "peace police" was quite disturbing.
On at least 6 separate occasions, so-called "non-violent" activists
physically attacked individuals who targeted corporate property.
Some even went so far as to stand in front of the Niketown super
store and tackle and shove the black bloc away. Indeed, such self-described
"peace-keepers" posed a much greater threat to individuals in the
black bloc than the notoriously violent uniformed "peace-keepers"
sanctioned by the state (undercover officers have even used the
cover of the activist peace-keepers to ambush those who engage in
corporate property destruction).
In an article posted to the Indymedia website, Ken McCarthy of Brasscheck asserted
that the language employed in the above-mentioned communique proves
that it is the work of agents provocateurs. Below, I have made an
analysis of the communique to refute that assertion. I have done
this in order to further a legitimate debate over tactics of resistance.
Cointelpro type activity is alive and well in the US today, and
one of its most pernicious features has been the tendency to jump
to conclusions when one merely disagrees with a person or group.
(This is not to say that cointelpro activities did not occur, however.
Just that to dismiss the Black Bloc as provocateurs is to invalidate
an entire tactical approach. We can't afford such an arbitrary approach.
The opposition is playing hardball, and it will only get harder
the more we reach out, the more successful and strong we become.
The attempt will be made to split off parts of the movement from
each other, isolate the "radicals" and co-opt the more "moderate"
elements. This was done to great effect with the civil rights movement
in the 60's, for example.
The Anti-WTO demonstrations in Seattle, along with, to a much lesser extent,
the Anti-Clinton demonstrations in Greece have raised the profile
of anarchists in the United States to a level not seen in quite
some time. Anarchists have struggled to make an impression upon
larger segments of the public for more than the last decade. Events
such as the Critical Mass bike rides and increasingly large numbers
at public demonstrations, often as a "Black Block", have made the
anarchists more difficult to ignore. When the police decided to
riot in Seattle, the anarchists were ready to fight back.
well, it's been confirmed. all the seattle trouble was caused by "self-proclaimed
anarchists" breaking windows. what a crock. sure, the boys in black
were out there breaking windows, but the seattle cops were out of
control attacking non-violent demonstrators. they were inappropriately
clad (looking like the cops in the movie "brazil"), inappropriately
armed (armed personel carriers, stun grenades, rubber bullets, etc.)
and used inappropriate tactics. they, not the anarchists, created
the "violence."
Hey, Eugene punks, stay away from my revolution.
I KNOW THE FOLKS who transformed a remarkable, peaceful show of
power against the WTO into a media-characterized "riot." At least
some of the vandals and looters who took advantage of the cover
of the most significant mass direct action in Seattle history were
from the group of Eugene anarchists I went down and interviewed
last summer. Their spokesperson, anarchist author and theoretician
John Zerzan, and I have kept in touch since then; we were to meet
during the WTO. We didn't. If we had, I would have spit in his face.
Consider this the written equivalent, and I hope he reads it.
One of the most contentious points likely to arise out of the past week's actions
is older than the concept of world trade itself: the question of
tactics in demonstration and direct action – in particular, violent
vs. nonviolent.
The apparent duality presented by this question, as most people
seem to look at it, is simply an illusion. Let's dive right in using
Seattle as an example. I haven't been able to find a single note
from a reliable source which has indicated protestors initiated
any of the countless violent incidents reported on Monday, Tuesday
and Wednesday. Which is not to say no activist, anywhere in Seattle,
engaged a police officer before s/he was engaged by the police;
but in reality, the consistent and predominant explanation has been
that police hungrily attacked protestors during countless incidents.
TOO MUCH OF THE anti-World Trade Organization protest effort is
being cast in a defensive, even backward orientation. Under the
buzzword "globalization," we are told to "all pull together" against
the unparalleled power of the transnational corporations.
IT PAINS ME TO REPEAT the same dull moments all day, every day. Working is
currently defined as producing far more than we need so someone
else can get rich. It traps my body in an insulating rut and empties
my mind and soul. Inevitably, my imagination takes me to faraway
places--to the factory chicken farm outside of town or the mono-cropped
bean fields sprayed with carcinogens.
last updated: December 29, 2004
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